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Problems in Railway Regulation by Henry S Haines 1911 Hard Cover
Problems in Railway Regulation by Henry S Haines
Hard Cover See photos - some pages (approx 41-57 are bent over and or have small tears. Page #26-40 have a hole in the margins. A few other pages have minor damage. Stamp on inside front cover.
582 pages
Copyright 1911
CONTENTS
I. INTRODUCTION1
II. THE AMERICAN RAILWAY SYSTEM18
The Period of Formation.
III. THE AMERICAN RAILWAY SYSTEM 43
The Period of Extension.
IV. THE PERIOD OF RECONSTRUCTION 71
V. THE PERIOD OF REGULATION 98
VI. RECENT RAILWAY REGULATION 124
VII. PROBLEMS OF INCORPORATION 174
VIII. PROBLEMS IN FINANCE 208
IX. PROBLEMS IN CONSTRUCTION260
X. PROBLEMS IN OPERATION 304
XI. PROBLEMS IN TRAFFIC349
XII. PROBLEMS IN DISCRIMINATION 382
XIII. PROBLEMS IN RATE MAKING413
XIV. PROBLEMS OF CAPITAL AND LABOR 459
XV. THE TENDENCY OF GOVERNMENT REGULATION 491
APPENDICES 523
INDEX567
INTRODUCTION
A DEMOCRACY settles but one political issue at a time. In the first flush of popular excitement, it is futile to endeavor to give a rational direction to the discussion. Statements founded upon a thorough investigation of the subject matter or upon expert knowledge are ignored. If they are from independent, impartial observers, they usually contain some propositions that are unwelcome to the interests attacked or, if they favor the patties defendant, they are contemned as being either bought or biased. In fact, when one reads the newspaper accounts of such a discussion, it would almost seem that all which had been written on the subject, the result of experience and reflection, had been written in vain.
The arguments that captivate public opinion have their origin perhaps in individual or sectional grievances, partly real but largely sentimental, or they arise in a period of general financial depression which is popularly attributed to the immediate and therefore more apparent links in a chain of causes and effects, whose governing factor is remotely concealed. By means of such arguments, politicians attain notoriety and succeed in placing upon the statute books the remedial legislation that they advocate.
The effect of such legislation may not be immediately perceived. It may have become involved with correlated or contemporaneous phenomena ; so that only in the course of time will it be practicable to disentangle the complicated reactions and ascribe to each factor its relative agency. But meanwhile the voice of the people has been heard, and recalcitrant interests must conform to its mandate. For it is by such means that legislation crudely indicates the will of a democracy. It may not at first conform to actual conditions ; often it does not. But by degrees, and principally through its modification by resort to the courts for its interpretation under the light of experience, it becomes adapted to the state of society in which it is to be applied. Earnest and honest efforts to find remedies for admitted evils, though they may fail of the purpose in view, do assist in bringing about a better state of things. As Milton said, "the opinion of good men is knowledge in the making." The gain politically is in the general recognition of a fundamental principle underlying some novel complexity in economic conditions, which has gradually involved the social order without attracting observation, until attention is directed to its objectionable effects upon the welfare of the community.
Many of the propositions thus presented for public discussion are urged from personal motives or are intended to further individual or local interests. Under our form of government, action on such propositions is usually confined to the legislatures of the several states in the Union. In considering those of a national character, and looking back only to the termination of the Civil War, we have had first to settle those which concerned the political status of the conquered states. Few even of these issues have proved to be of more than temporary importance. Of those which still remain as a heritage from that period, the most important problems of a national character have arisen from the unsettled relations of the white and black races in the Southern States. In fact, these may be considered as the only ones that are purely political, in so far as they affect the fundamental principles of constitutional government. Others which have been treated as political issues are at bottom social problems, such as the prohibition of the sale of intoxicants, and, indeed, the relations of the races may gradually lose the character of political issues and be placed in the same category.
Such issues have at different times aroused bitter animosity and convulsed the temperament of our people to an extent that would permit of no rational discussion of them. They have been utilized for scenic displays of ambitious oratory or for securing political preferment by sensational appeals to sectional or class prejudices. Yet by continual attrition, in the course of public discussion, these also have become divested of the political husk in which they were enveloped and the substantial issue has at length appeared as an economic problem.
This may be asserted of the problems that were presented in the reestablishment of the public finances and the resumption of specie payment, as in the issue of the " Greenback currency," and more certainly of the demonetization of silver. The suggestion that silver should be placed on a parity with gold as the basis for a paper currency was in its origin a political expedient devised to secure the support of senators from the silver-producing states in the passage of a customs tariff bill. Yet opposition to this purely partisan scheme was afterward eloquently denounced as a crime which could only be adequately symbolized by comparison with the tragic culmination of the revelation of God to Man. So true it is that faith without knowledge in matters of fact confuses the sense of right and wrong.
When we consider the subsequent displacement of silver as a circulating medium of equal dignity with gold and its general relegation to the position of a merchantable commodity, we recognize the factitious character of the political agitation which obscured the economic aspects of this problem ; an agitation which was even utilized in dissolving the ties of political parties to further personal ambition. As this topic seized upon public opinion, an opportunity was afforded for those rhetorical appeals which are as dear to the political orator as to his hearers ; since they call for but a superficial acquaintance with the subject on his part and make as little demand upon their reasoning powers.
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